Reasons for carrying a knife (in the UK).......

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Glen

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Oct 16, 2005
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chewie said:
What you say is essentially correct Steve and has been discussed at great length in the thread.

The bone of contention that Martyn was pointing out is that caselaw [DEEGAN and HARRIS] has resulted in blades that lock open being classified as fixed blades not folding. As the Leatherman Wave he specifically mentioned has locking blades, the law as it stands does require justification for possession of it. Other multitools [e.g. juice models] with non-locking blades under 3"/76mm do not require a reason [as long as there is no criminal intent - again see above]..

I'd hate for someone to get in the manure unnecessarily.

A very consice summary of a long and involved thread, thanks.

For my part I'm trying to find a way to come up with a solution for converting my small non locking folding multitool or SAK blade into fixed blade ( having been the victim of serval self imposed cuts by them folding under pressure ) that allows me to carry it without the onus being on me to prove that I have no illegal intent.

Most systems I've contemplated are similar to the Opinel system, of a device that covers the blade, hinge and handle, though totally removeble so the locking mechanism can be kept seperate form the multitool itself. This has lead me to think that there is still some scope for the Law Lords to accept an appeal about blades that are capable of locking.

There seems to me still some marging within the current situation for appeals on the differention between ( the blades of ) tools that are lockable when open (and those that automatically lock when open. Those that automatically lock when opened are, for virtually all purposes in use, similar to fixed blades and as such should probably be covered by the same legistration ( much as I don't like the inconvience of possibly being arrested and then having the burdon to prove my innocent use ) So therefore if one should be prepared to have to show the same reasonable ground for carrying/use, in simplistic terms that it folds is not a get out clause and this does seem reasonable in many ways but certainly so if the blade is open and hence locked. Personally I'd think a folding blade that doesn't lock but is open is probably more proof of intent to use than a locking one that is closed, but seeing as we're all sensible people here I think we all see the benifits of folding either when not ready for immediate use.

However with a knife that has to be actively locked into it's fixed configuration there can be 2 situations
Those that have an captured ( sorry I'm locking for words that won't confuse the issue ) device for locking, which I believe Opinels fall into, or those which can be made to lock with an add on device.( I don't know of any currently manufactured but would like to be corrected )

Such a device would therefore mean the bushcrafters can lock their blades into a fixed configuration while they were using them in a buschraft context ( bypassing arguments about intended use as they are being used for that at the time ) and remove the locking mechanism for general carrying purposes, making the onus on intended use rather than justifying carrying.

Actually if someone comes up with a safe workable device that did that it would make it easier for bushcrafter, police and legistrators. ( and if they made huge ammounts of money from it would they mind giving me some ;)
 

Goose

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Glen, I think it has been covered earlier in the thread and trying to make a loophole doesn't get round the law! Whether the law is stupid or not is irrelevant and if the law were to make sense, to sensible people, it would allow locking knives, IMO anyway.
I know what you are getting at and if you removed a locking ring from a sub 3" opinel it would be legal EDC, so keep your locking ring with the kit you take bushcrafting when you have a valid reason for carrying would probably answer your dilemma.
 

chewie

Tenderfoot
Jan 16, 2005
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The test for whether a blade does not lock is quite simply can it be folded without doing anything other than applying pressure on the blade. Any ring, switch, button, spring or other contraption that needs action before the blade will close, then it's locked.

It is my personal feeling that, while engaged in bushcraft or camping activities, suitable fixed-blade knives and tools may be carried, as they may be on their way to or from such activities.

To rely on a reason under s139 CJA88 you will need to show 2 things:
firstly that you require the particular item for a reasonable purpose, and secondly that your purpose is genuine, not fabricated to justify carrying an otherwise-illegal blade.

If you are going bushcrafting or camping, you will have other equipment with you, which will demonstrate the genuine nature of your purpose. There are no end of books where you can find articles about suitable bushcraft knives and their uses, from Nessmuk to Mears. Lots of coppers like camping, and many are scout leaders - they are all members of society, not locked up in a darkened room when off duty - and the absence of prison tattoos, rabid pit-bulls, defective uninsured motors and half-empty tins of Tennents Super mid-morning will all point their attention elsewhere in any case.

The long and short of it, and the best advice I can give, is that if you have a good reason, you may carry what you need. If not, and you wish to carry a pocket knife or tool, it is only legal if the item has a non-locking folding blade of less than 3"/76mm cutting length.

There are a lot of 'my mate had this happen' stories about nearly getting arrested for having s139-compliant pocket knives. We must all be reasonable and understand that some people do not like to see knives of any sort being carried, and that you can be refused access to private premises if such an individual does not like something you have about your person - the London Eye is an example. Airports are off-limits for knives unless they are in hold luggage. But the law is the law, 99.99% of coppers know this little bit of law backwards, and I do not think a reasonable, rational, non-argumentative person with no axe to grind [pardon the pun] or antagonism towards the officer will have anything to fear. Just be polite and reasonable, and the officers will reciprocate.

If you do get stopped, and the officer asks if you are carrying anything, tell them immediately what it is and why. Expect to hand it over for examination. In London, and I would imagine most inner cities, it is more likely that you will tell the officers where the item is and they will take it from you - rather than let an unknown quantity [i.e. you] hold it while they are making their decision. This is not oppression, it's their training - they don't want to be stabbed any more than the next person, and they have no idea at this stage who you are.

If you are on public transport, then I would recommend wrapping all blades in bin bags and gaffer tape - again, this shows a safe, reasonable attitude on your part.

If you are still worried - and there really is no need to be - print out s139 CJA88 [here] and carry it with the items you are worried about. You can hand it to the officer either with the items, or if a query arises.

Finally, if the worst happens and you get arrested, remain calm, do not shout or argue, and when you get back to the station repeat your justification to the custody officer and request a duty solicitor. I doubt it will ever get to this stage, but you never know.

I've carried a pocket knife since I was 12 - a distant memory - and apart from swapping to a slipjoint after the DEEGAN / HARRIS rulings, I have not once had cause for concern.

I am the first to accept locking blades are safer, and myself always use them if I have a good reason. But for just-in-case purposes, a s139-compliant pocket knife or multitool is the only safe, legal option.
 

chewie

Tenderfoot
Jan 16, 2005
67
6
England
Thanks Martyn :D

There is another thread elsewhere that started off about the perceived futility of the recent knife amnesty and progressed [again] to a legislation discussion, which I have just posted on.

Some of it might be relevant here - some more links to legislation and CPS guidance.... so here it is.

Those knives specifically defined as offensive weapons:
Autos [flick knives, gravity knives and switchblades]
Stealth knives [designed to be undetectable by metal detectors]
Balisongs [butterfly knives]
Push Daggers
Belt buckle knives
Disguised knives [i.e. a knife designed to look like something else]
Swordsticks

Those knives I would personally avoid out of common sense, and aren't very bushcrafty anyway:
Assisted openers
Swords
Daggers
Fighting knives - e.g. Fairburn Sykes
Rambo wannabe stuff
Modelling / craft / 'stanley' type knives, unless I'm using them for work.

The Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act 1959 specifies the autos, the rest are specified by s141 Criminal Justice Act 1988 and various statutory instruments [1] [2] [3]. CPS Guidance is here.
.
 

Martyn

Bushcrafter through and through
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Chewie, an interesting thing, someone on BB had a question about the deegan ruling, which caused me to go dig up the transcript. It makes fascinating reading. I dunno if you've read it through? I think all transcripts are fairly heavy going, but this is pretty clear as they go....

-------------------------------
Deegan v Regina
- - - - - - - -

LORD JUSTICE WALLER: On 24 March 1997 in the Crown Court at Harrow the appellant originally pleaded Not Guilty to possessing a bladed article in a public place. The judge however ruled that he was bound by two decisions of the Divisional Court in Harris v DPP and Fehmi v DPP , 96 Cr.App.R. 235. The judge ruled that the interpretation placed on a bladed article in those cases applied to the bladed article found in the possession of the appellant in the instant case. Having so ruled the appellant then pleaded Guilty. The judge discharged the appellant absolutely and certified that the matter was suitable for appeal on the basis that the Divisional Court was not made aware of the Parliamentary records of the debate which led to the enactment of Section 139 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988. The judge certified that "Statements by two Ministers of State promoting the Bill on behalf of the Home Office clearly sought to exclude the type of bladed article that is the subject of the indictment in the case before me. I also believe that the legislation is ambiguous and that the literal interpretation is liable to lead to an absurdity."



The Facts

On 9 September 1996 the appellant was stopped by two police officers outside 64 Pinner Road Harrow at approximately 1.50am. He was found to be in possession of what the prosecution contended was "a bladed article". The knife was not produced before us but was produced before the judge. It can most accurately be described perhaps as a pocket knife which was capable of being opened and locked into an open position, and equally capable of being folded once the mechanism had been operated to unlock the blade. In the result the appellant was charged with being in possession of a bladed article contrary to Section 139 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988.



Current Law

Section 139 of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 reads as follows:-

"(1) ... any person who has an article to which this section applies with him in a public place shall be guilty of an offence. (2) Subject to sub-section (3) below, this section applies to any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed except a folding pocket-knife. (3) This section applies to a folding pocket-knife if the cutting edge of its blade exceeds three inches."



There is no dispute that in the instant case the blade did not exceed three inches.



The Divisional Court in Harris v DPP and Fehmi v DPP 96 Cr.App.R. 235 held that to be "a folding pocket-knife" the blade has to be readily and immediately foldable at all times simply by the folding process. It held that a knife which on opening automatically locks and cannot be folded until a button has been pressed is not "a folding pocket-knife" within the meaning of Section 139. It is clear from the judgment of the Divisional Court, given by McCowan LJ, that attention was paid to what the thinking behind the statute might be. Ultimately McCowan LJ accepted the submission on behalf of the prosecution in that case that "when the knife is locked it becomes in effect a fixed blade knife and the intention of the statute is to prevent the carrying of such a knife." McCowan LJ finally concluded his judgment

"to be a folding pocket-knife the knife has to be readily and indeed immediately foldable at all times, simply by the folding process. A knife of the type with which these appeals are concerned is not in this category because, in the first place, there is a stage, namely, when it has been opened, when it is not immediately foldable simply by the folding process and, secondly, it requires that further process, namely, the pressing of the button." (see pp 239-240).



The appellant accepts that the instrument carried by him in the instant case would not be a folding pocket-knife within the definition as explained by McCowan LJ because it too locked into position and required the pressing of a button before the folding process could be commenced.



Before the judge, and on this appeal, Mr Hargreaves has sought to persuade us

(1) that the conditions of Pepper v Hart [1993] AC 593 are applicable so as to make admissible Ministerial statements made whilst the Bill, which ultimately became the Criminal Justice Act 1988, was being debated in Parliament;

(2) that accordingly this court should look at certain passages in Hansard where he suggests that statements were made demonstrating the true intention of Parliament in relation to section 139; and

(3) that, as he would put it, those statements introducing amendments to section 139 clearly showed that the type of knife being carried by the appellant on this occasion, and by those who appealed to the Divisional Court ( Fehmi and Harris), were intended to be excluded from the section.



Without objection from Mr Leist on behalf of the Crown we have in fact examined the material from Hansard sought to be relied upon by Mr Hargreaves de bene esse. However, it is important to establish whether the conditions in Pepper v Hart have been complied with so as to make admissible the material relied upon. In the speech of Lord Browne-Wilkinson at p.640 with which all their Lordships, other than Lord Mackay, agreed, he said

"I therefore reach the conclusion, subject to any question of Parliamentary privilege, that the exclusionary rule should be relaxed so as to permit reference to Parliamentary materials where (a) legislation is ambiguous or obscure, or leads to an absurdity; (b) the material relied upon consists of one or more statements by a Minister or other promoter of the Bill together if necessary with such other Parliamentary material as is necessary to understand such statements and their effect; (c) the statements relied upon are clear."



The extracts to which our attention has been drawn include extracts from the debates whilst the Criminal Justice Bill was being considered in Committee and when the Bill was being considered in the House of Lords itself. The background to section 139 appears to be clear. That is to say that having regard to the increase in robberies, including street robberies involving sharp instruments, and the carrying of knives, the Government became convinced there was a serious problem and that strong measures were needed to deal with the same. The Prevention of Crime Act 1953 makes it an offence to have an offensive weapon in a public place without reasonable excuse or other lawful authority. It breaks down offensive weapons into two categories: those articles which are offensive weapons per se and those articles which the possessor intends to use to cause injury. For offensive weapons per se the onus is upon the accused to prove on the balance of probabilities that he has lawful authority or reasonable excuse for having the weapon with him. For all other articles, including most knives, the onus is on the prosecution to prove beyond reasonable doubt that the possessor intends to use it to cause injury. It was felt that the threshold of having to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that a knife carrier intended to cause injury was too high. Accordingly, a section was being drafted for the purpose of placing the onus on the person found in possession of a knife or bladed instrument to establish that he had a good reason for having the knife or bladed instrument with him in a public place. The section seems to have been drafted in different forms at different stages. In Committee of the House of Lords on 8 November 1987, the Earl of Caithness moved an amendment to insert a clause in the Criminal Justice Bill which was to read as follows:-

"(1) Any person who has with him in a public place without good reason or lawful authority any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed (except a pocketknife with no blade which is longer than three inches or which locks when open ) [our underlining] shall be guilty of an offence. (2) Without prejudice to the generality of subsection (1) above, it shall be a defence for any person charged with an offence under subsection(1) above in respect of any article to prove that he had the article with him - (a) for use at work; (b) for religious reasons; or (c) as part of any national costume. ....."





On 23 November 1987 a further amendment was moved which put the position even more clearly. By that amendment the section was to provide as follows:-

"(1) Subject to subsection (1C) below, any person who has an article to which this section applies with him in a public place shall be guilty of an offence. (1A) Subject to subsection (1B) below, this section applies to any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed except a pocketknife. (1B) This section applies to a pocketknife if - (a) it has a blade which is longer than 3 inches; or (b) it has a blade which, when the knife is open, locks automatically or can be locked manually .[again our underlining]. (1C) It shall be a defence for a person charged with an offence under this section to prove that he had good reason or lawful authority for having the article with him in a public place ..... "



Ultimately, when the Criminal Justice Bill came before Standing Committee H on 8 March 1988, certain amendments had been made to the section. The subsections dealing with the pocketknife exception read as follows:

"Subject to subsection (3) below this section applies to any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed except a pocketknife. (3) This section applies to a pocketknife if the cutting edge of its blade exceeds three inches."



It will thus be seen that there had been removed from the equivalent of subsection (3) the provision which made the section apply to a pocketknife if "it has a blade which when the knife is open locks automatically or can be locked manually."



On 8 March 1988 however an amendment was moved to the section to insert the word "folding" before the word "pocketknife" in the above subsection. That amendment was ultimately accepted and in the result the subsections read as they now do in section 139 as follows:

"(2) Subject to subsection (3) below, this section applies to any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed except a folding pocket-knife. (3) This section applies to a folding pocket-knife if the cutting edge of its blade exceeds three inches."



In moving the amendment Mr John Patten, The Minister of State at the Home Office, explained the Government thinking saying:

"When the Bill was printed for the other place, we arrived at the original formulation of the clause mindful of the important and pressing need to ensure that Stanley knives and other knives with sliding blades which can lock open and do terrible damage, should not benefit from the exemption. We do not believe that someone should be allowed to produce from his pocket a sharp bladed instrument of 3 in or less, which has a flick effect or a gravity effect or slides out and can then be locked into place. .... In our discussions with the manufacturers with whom we have consulted widely in the interests of industry and employment in Sheffield, it emerged that we could catch those vicious sliding knives, while at the same time exempting ordinary pocket knives that lock into the open position, which is what the amendment seeks to do. Folding, locking pocket knives, which I am advised that many people carry because they are safer to use than the non-locking variety, will be excepted from the general offence, which is right, but the exception will apply only to folding pocket knives with a sharpened blade of 3 in or less. ..... We wish to keep within the law those people who carry ordinary pocket knives. When an officer finds a person in possession of a pocket knife in a public place he has only to check the length of the blade and ensure that the knife folds. If the knife does not fulfil those criteria, the possessor will have to show a good reason for having the knife with him."



When the matter came before the House of Lords, Earl Ferrers explained the amendment. He said that the amendments then being discussed were the result of discussions with knife manufacturers in Sheffield. Then he said:

"They thought that it would be helpful to put on the face of the Bill a clearer definition of the maximum permitted length of a pocketknife. More importantly, they pointed out that locking pocketknives are now widely sold and used because they are safer for some purposes than non-locking knives. There is less risk of the blade closing accidentally on the user's fingers. So we concluded that we should not exclude small pocketknives from the exemption just because they had locking blades. What we want to exclude is knives with sliding blades. The amendments achieve that by limiting the exemption to small pocketknives with folding blades."

What is apparent from the debating of the amendments being considered between November 1987 and July 1988 is that

(1) at one stage it was intended that the sections should be made expressly to apply to a pocketknife whose blade (however long) when opened locked automatically or could be locked manually;

(2) there was then a decision not to make it so expressly apply and it was contemplated that the word pocketknife would exclude from the section "locking pocketknives"; and

(3) finally that the word "folding" was introduced in order to ensure that someone should not be allowed to produce from his pocket a sharp bladed instrument of three inches or less which has "a flick effect or a gravity effect or slides out and can then be locked into place."



What was not foreseen by those proposing the amendments was that by introducing the word "folding" that word was open to the interpretation placed upon it by the Divisional Court. Furthermore, what also was not foreseen by those proposing the amendments was that it was easy enough with the aid of the previous drafts of the Bill to see that a knife which locked automatically or which could be locked manually was being taken out of the express provision applying to that type of pocketknife and thus to believe that in some way "locking pocketknives" were now intended to be exempted. But it has to be said there appears to have been no debate as to precisely what was intended by use of the words "locking pocketknife". That debate might well have taken place if in addition to the word "folding" a further obvious amendment had been added to cover the word "folding pocketknife". Such an amendment could have clarified what type of "locking pocketknife" Mr Patten and Earl Ferrers had in mind to be included in the phrase "folding pocketknife".



We have not found this an easy case. We can see the force of the argument that the Pepper v Hart conditions are fulfilled. It can be said with force that "folding" pocketknife could mean either a pocketknife which has no capacity to lock when its blade is open, or it includes those that do but which can still be folded. We can also see force in the argument that it was intended to exempt from the general offence provided for by the relevant section of the Bill "folding, locking pocketknives" with blades of less than 3 inches, that being the clear expression of intention expressed by Mr Patten and Earl Ferrers when seeking to persuade the Committee and then the House of Lords to accept the section in its final form including the word "folding", governing pocketknife.



The difficulty that we have is best explained as follows. The section as at one time drafted, expressly brought within the general offence a pocketknife which had a blade which when opened locked automatically or could be locked manually. That was unambiguous because the section would as a result have caught any knife whose blade locked including, for example, one that locked by pressing a button or unlocked at the press of a button, or could be more permanently locked by the turn of a screw the relevance of which will become apparent. When, in the drafting, it was decided to omit the express provision, what was left was an exception from the section a "folding pocketknife", but without precise definition. If one poses the sort of questions that McCowan LJ posed to Counsel in the cases of Harris and Fehmi, and asked whether it was intended by the rather broad statements made by Earl Ferrers and Mr Patten that such implements were to be excluded, it is not easy to say with confidence what their answers would have been. For example, would a pocketknife which could be unfolded by the press of a button, and folded by the press of a button, be a folding pocketknife and one which the Ministers would have confidently said should be excluded from the general offence under the section? Would a knife that needed a screwdriver before it could be unfolded, and then required a screwdriver again to allow the knife to be folded, be a folding pocketknife? Would, putting it more bluntly, the Ministers have been absolutely happy to sanction the putting in of the words which originally were used to bring a pocketknife under the section, as appropriate to describe a pocketknife that should now be expressly excluded e.g. one that locks automatically, as opposed to manually?



Although in one sense the statements made by Mr Patten and Earl Ferrers were clear, in that they undoubtedly thought that they were excluding from the section not just pocketknives that fitted the Divisional Court's interpretation of "folding", but some which "locked" when the blades were open, we think that in the sense required by Pepper v Hart, they were not clear. They were not clear because "locking pocketknives" is itself an ambiguous phrase. If in answer to that point it were said that the court could attempt to define the phrase by for example saying that it should only include "locking pocketknives" that were manually locked and manually unlocked, or which required the use of two hands to lock the blades or unlock the blades, that would be asking the court to go beyond its proper function. It would no longer be interpreting the intention of Parliament, it would be writing the legislation it thought was reasonable.



In those circumstances we do not think that the conditions of Pepper v Hart are fulfilled and we do not think that it is legitimate to take into account the statements of Mr Patten or Earl Ferrers. We furthermore take the view that to construe the phrase "folding pocketknife" in any other way than that which it was construed by the Divisional Court would be impermissible. Obviously there is force in the view that Parliament really should not have brought what used to be called pen knives which have devices for locking the blades for reasons of safety, within the penal provisions of the Statute. A carrier of such should, it can be said, not have been required by Parliament to provide a "good reason" for having the article with him. However, it seems to us that "folding" in its ordinary meaning, means "foldable" at all times without the intervention of some further process, namely the pressing of a button or release of a catch, and that if any form of "lock knives" are to be brought outside the legislation, that will need clearer definition.

The final point to make will be said to be a slightly unfair one in the light of the difficulties in finding the time to put forward legislation. But the decision of the Divisional Court was in July 1992. There does not appear to have been any move to amend the legislation. That may demonstrate either that there is no great pressure to amend the legislation and not the perceived unfairness on the part of carriers of pocketknives whose blades can be locked as above described. Alternatively, it may demonstrate that there are real difficulties in defining precisely that form of pocketknife with a locking device which should fall outside the section, and, that the better view is, that albeit the present legislation will place an onus on some persons to provide a reason for carrying a knife which at first sight may seem unreasonable, that is an inconvenience which the few should suffer for the benefit of the community as a whole.

Accordingly we would dismiss the appeal.

Application for leave to appeal to the House of Lords refused, but point of general public importance certified as follows:

'That the article 'a folding pocket knife' as mentioned in section 139(2) Criminal Justice Act 1988 as being an exemption subject to subsection (3) to the offence made by section 139(1) means a knife that has a blade that folds, whether or not it (the blade) is capable of being opened and locked into an open position and equally capable of being folded once the mechanism had been operated to unlock the blade.'

-------------------------------------------------------

Fascinating stuff.
 

Martyn

Bushcrafter through and through
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Sorry folks, I know that's a long post, but it's a pivotal piece of judicial ruling and very pertinent to the discussion.

It's heavy going in places, but worth a read if you're half interested and have 15 minutes to spare.
 

chewie

Tenderfoot
Jan 16, 2005
67
6
England
Martin,

Interesting to note that all 3 stated cases originated in the Metropolitan Police area, DEEGAN [Harrow] FEHMI [Bethnal Green] and HARRIS [Islington].

Bethnal Green and Islington are very much inner city areas: Bethnal Green, to my certain personal knowledge, had a severe knife problem during the period when the CJA88 was enacted and this caselaw developed. Harrow is not such an inner city area, but it is still within Greater London, and you can see from these cases why context is so important.

I do not know who DEEGAN, HARRIS and FEHMI are in terms of their character and antecedents, so I make no comment on their personal circumstances whatsoever.

However, we do know that they have been found in possession of a knife, so they have either shown it about the place, or been searched. To be searched there was a legal prerequisite of 'reasonable grounds' [justifiable suspicion.] There were no blanket search laws back then - CJPO and TACT came later.

So, assuming you are doing something suspicious and the police see you - perhaps it is fair for them to ask "why do you need a lock knife in inner London?"

The caselaw has developed from inner city jobs where the density of herberts is higher and the context is all wrong - no surprises there.

As to the way the caselaw has developed - well, I prefer locking blades but seldom use them these days [only for work or with justifiable reasons.] My understanding of it is that the Court of Appeal did not agree with the lower court's interpretation of 'folding', but did not see sufficient scope within the ambiguous wording of s139 to over-rule them [i.e. the lower court was entitled to interpret the law in that way, so the appeal failed.] Instead they indicated that it was for Parliament to refine the law and remove any ambiguities or inconsistencies.

I have personally seen no evidence of any significant rise in knife crime, just in the tabloid reporting of it. Both lead to the same thing though - I can see no political inclination for any relaxation of current regulations at this stage.
 

Martyn

Bushcrafter through and through
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chewie said:
As to the way the caselaw has developed - well, I prefer locking blades but seldom use them these days [only for work or with justifiable reasons.] My understanding of it is that the Court of Appeal did not agree with the lower court's interpretation of 'folding', but did not see sufficient scope within the ambiguous wording of s139 to over-rule them [i.e. the lower court was entitled to interpret the law in that way, so the appeal failed.] Instead they indicated that it was for Parliament to refine the law and remove any ambiguities or inconsistencies.

...in a nutshell. Yeah, absolutely my understanding too.

Of note, they examined the notes made during the formulation of the act, to give them insight into what the original intention was. The act was amended to include the word "folding" in order to make sure that a differentiation existed between stanly knives (which no one wanted) and harmless folding knives (lock or no lock). It's very clear that they intended to "protect" the locking folding knife as something people should be able to carry without needing reason.

As you rightly say, the leave to appeal was refused on the basis of the poorly written act, being so ambigous as to legally allow the Harris judge to make his ruling. That same ambiguity prevents them from ruling against Harris, though they clearly agree Harris is not in the spirit of the act.

I love this quote:
LORD JUSTICE WALLER: "I also believe that the legislation is ambiguous and that the literal interpretation is liable to lead to an absurdity."
...such as ...can be arrested for posession of a Leatherman Wave perhaps? :D

Yeah, I know "liable to lead to an absurdity" is a legal qualification, rather than an emotive opinion, but I love it nonetheless. :D

In essence, Lord Justice Waller thinks that the current knife laws are a distorted interpretation of a sloppily written act and it's up to paliament to sort it out, but they dont have the pollitical will.

...a right royal mess they've made of this. :rolleyes:
 

Goose

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"(1) Any person who has with him in a public place without good reason or lawful authority any article which has a blade or is sharply pointed (except a pocketknife with no blade which is longer than three inches or which locks when open ) [our underlining] shall be guilty of an offence. (2) Without prejudice to the generality of subsection (1) above, it shall be a defence for any person charged with an offence under subsection(1) above in respect of any article to prove that he had the article with him - (a) for use at work; (b) for religious reasons; or (c) as part of any national costume. ....."
My interpretation of this is that I use my mora for work, not every day but often enough to be part of my every day kit, so if I am stopped I may not have good reason at that time( a day I have not needed it?) but because I use it for work it is a seperate defence than "good reason".
A carpet fitter will have probably several stanley knives in his bag, in his van or even on his belt and would, I assume, be ok to leave them, with other tools in his van overnight?
How would this be different to me or a better example Wayland with his "armoury" in his van, still bladed tools different perception perhaps but still tools of a different trade?
Or would the carpet fitter be commiting an offence by leaving his tools in the boot?
 

Martyn

Bushcrafter through and through
Aug 7, 2003
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Goose said:
My interpretation of this is that I use my mora for work, not every day but often enough to be part of my every day kit, so if I am stopped I may not have good reason at that time( a day I have not needed it?) but because I use it for work it is a seperate defence than "good reason".
No, it's not a separate defence, "for work" is your good reason. It only works for you if you are at, or going to or from work Goose.

A carpet fitter will have probably several stanley knives in his bag, in his van or even on his belt and would, I assume, be ok to leave them, with other tools in his van overnight?
Technically, no - the carpet fityter would indeed be breaking the law. Though I would imagine the police would use their discretion.
How would this be different to me or a better example Wayland with his "armoury" in his van, still bladed tools different perception perhaps but still tools of a different trade?
Or would the carpet fitter be commiting an offence by leaving his tools in the boot?

Yes. Fraid so, you've answered your own question ...if the police were of a mind to persue it, that is.
 

pierre girard

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Dec 28, 2005
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Stuart said:
You probably wouldn’t, but you might want to carry a sub 3" blade that locked open such as those on a leatherman.

Under British law a folding blade that locks is classed as a fixed blade and as such any length locking blade would be illegal without a food reason, no matter how small.

I always carry a knife - and it is usually for a food reason - gutting deer, digging for tubers, etc.
 

pierre girard

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ArkAngel said:
So just to clarify Jackdaw If i were to carry my normal swiss army knife i would be ok, but to carry my multitool that locks (blade under 3 inches) i would need a reason?


Just a question about this. I have a jack knife I've carried for years. It has one cutting blade, that doesn't lock, and one slotted screw driver blade - that does lock. Would the screw driver blade be a violation under UK law?
 

chewie

Tenderfoot
Jan 16, 2005
67
6
England
pierre girard said:
Just a question about this. I have a jack knife I've carried for years. It has one cutting blade, that doesn't lock, and one slotted screw driver blade - that does lock. Would the screw driver blade be a violation under UK law?

If the blade does not lock and the cutting edge is under 3", then it is a 'folding pocket knife' within the definition of s139 CJA88 and subsequent case law.

The locking screwdriver is another thing - if it had a sharp point, technically you could be looked at for a s139 offence, but I would suggest this would be only be in a case where the police were 'looking' for an offence [i.e. you have done something daft and they feel the need to arrest you, they just haven't worked out what for yet.] A reasonable law-abiding citizen is not going to get to this stage.

However, if you want to be as legal as possible, no locks, and no blade over 3".
 

pierre girard

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As a person who has been a "gun man" my entire life - I have a hard time even reading this thread. Though as a police officer, I'm dealing with gun crimes, and have been shot at a number of times during my career - I have a strong belief in the "right to bear arms" guaranteed in the US constitution. I've recently read portions of the Joyce Malcom book, "The Gold Standard of Gun Control."

In the book, Malcolm makes reference to the English right to bear arms recognized in 1689. Whatever happened to that?

In Malcolm's words:
******************
"...story begins in firearms-free medieval England of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, when the homicide rate was approximately 18-23 annually per 100,000 population. Thereafter, the homicide rate began a six century decline. Even after firearms became generally available in the sixteenth century, homicides rates continued to fall. The right to arms was officially recognized in the 1689 Bill of Rights, and for the next two centuries, England had almost no gun control, except for anti-poaching laws, and a two-year period in 1819-1821 when stricter rules were imposed on a few counties due to concerns about working class unrest. Violent crimes continued to decline until the twentieth century.

Various minor and ineffectual gun controls were enacted in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; proposals for more extensive controls ran into strenuous opposition in Parliament from MPs who still believed in natural rights. The advocacy for gun control was almost always accompanied by a bodyguard of lies, such as when the government, fearful of a workers rebellion, pushed through the Firearms Act of 1920. The government falsely told the public that gun crimes were rapidly increasing, and hid the law’s true motive (political control) from the public, presenting the law as a mere anti-crime measure.

In practice, the law eliminated the right of British subjects to be armed, and turned it into a privilege. The Firearms Act also began a decades-long process of eliminating the public’s duty to protect their society and right to protect themselves. "
****************


Malcolm goes on to deal with the effects of Englands anit-gun legislation:
*****************
"While tightening the screws on law-abiding gun owners, the British authorities were declaring their determination to prevent the existence of an American-style “gun culture.” In that regard, the British government has been very successful.

In previous generations, Britain had a long-standing tradition of sporting gun use, and an unwritten agreement that both the police and the criminals would eschew the use of guns. Everything has now changed. The new criminal gun culture in Britain is one in which, according to the British government, there is “the perception of firearms as a means of resolving differences through violence.”[36]

British gun laws have transformed the way children are introduced to firearms. In the past, the many parents who participated in the shooting sports taught their children safe and responsible firearm handling practices. Now, the gun control laws are deliberately operated to impose bureaucratic barriers that encourage law-abiding shooters to give up their sport; many have done so.

Never introduced into a law-abiding, responsible gun culture of adults, Britain’s modern youth are creating their own “gun culture”, a sort of non-fiction version of Lord of the Flies. Children in gangs, some as young as nine, roam the streets uncontrolled, victimizing the aged and the infirm.[37] Today, one third of all British criminals under the age of 25 admit to owning or having access to a firearm.[38]

In contrast, firearm ownership in the United States continues, for the most part, to be kept in the family, handed down from parent to child. What happens when parents teach children about shooting? The most detailed empirical data come from the Rochester (N.Y.) Study on Urban Delinquency and Substance Abuse.[39]

Funded by the U.S. Department of Justice, the study tracked 7th‑ and 8th‑graders for 4‑1/2 years until 11th or 12th grade, providing “quite a thorough picture of adolescent development during the junior and senior high school years.” The researchers explain that “To maximize the number of serious, chronic offenders available for the study, the sample includes more youth from high-crime areas and fewer from low-crime areas.” For the same reason, the study focused exclusively on males.

One of the topics of the Rochester Study was adolescent behavior with firearms. Of the group of boys who owned guns legally by the time they were in 9th or 10th grade, not one of them committed any crime or delinquent act with a gun.

Of the boys who did not, by 9th or 10th grade, already own a legal gun, one percent would commit a firearms crime in the next few years. As for the boys who already illegally owned guns, twenty-four percent would eventually use a gun in a crime.

As for the overall rate of street crimes (remember, the study deliberately oversampled at-risk males), of the boys who lawfully owned guns, fourteen percent eventually committed at least one street crime. Of the non-gun owners, twenty-four percent committed a street crime. Of the illegal gun owners, seventy-four percent committed a street crime.

Thus, it appears that there is something about the culture of law-abiding gun ownership which is associated with lower rates of gun crime, and of general crime. The researchers observed: “Parents who own legal guns socialize their children into the legitimate gun culture. Those parents who do not own guns are unlikely to socialize their children in that manner.” Simply put, the Rochester youths who were given lethal weapons by their parents, and who were instructed in how to use those weapons by their parents (usually, by the father), behaved more responsibly than did their peers.

Today, Great Britain is generally a more dangerous place than the United States.[40] Great Britain is also a place which has successfully crushed the spread of a large American-style gun-culture. While America’s gun culture is still composed, overwhelmingly, of law-abiding, hard-working, family-oriented people, Great Britain’s new gun culture consists of armed criminals, and armed police.[41] One fact is undeniable: the Firearms Act “did not stop the use of guns, it prevented their use by honest citizens – and created a monopoly, with the ownership and use of guns confined to two classes: professional criminals and the police.”

*********************
Trouble with all of this is - England feels her gun controls are a model which should be followed world wide - and does her best to export it to the world. It is a system which does not accomplish its stated objective and, in fact, the outcome is the exact opposite of the stated purpose.

There is much more of interest (to me, at least), but I will bore you no further.
 

chewie

Tenderfoot
Jan 16, 2005
67
6
England
Mmm. A bit political, but whatever.

Comparing US and UK firearms legislation is 'apples to oranges' - totally different.

In the UK, there are relatively few incidents involving firearms, because most people don't have one. There are no real pristine wildernesses like the US is blessed with, we are a very crowded country, and most of the land is privately owned. There are no bears or dangerous animals to contend with, other than our fellow man. Both UK and EU legislation on the use of force effectively prohibits the US 'home defence' concept unless the homeowner genuinely believes their life is then and there in danger [reasonable force, and no more force than is absolutely necessary, respectively.] Rights to bear arms are not ingrained in our cultural psyche, and in any case rights developed in the time of longbows and broadswords [or in the case of the US, black powder firearms] must surely be adapted with the advent of grenades, machine guns and the neutron bomb?

A British citizen can still possess a rifle or shotgun with good reason. One may possess and carry any bladed article other than those specifically prohibited [autos, balisongs etc.] providing you have a good reason. There is no blanket ban, merely a requirement for a good reason to possess something that is potentially dangerous.

The US and the UK are different. I lost my handguns after the Dunblane massacre, and I miss shooting greatly - but if that loss prevents another pervert from walking in to a class of 5-6 year-old children and killing 16 of them, plus a teacher, because the existing law did not allow the police to revoke his firearms certificate, then I'll live with it. The US prefers to live with regular massacres and the right to bear arms. To each their own.

Might I respectfully request that this topic stays as an information source about UK points and blades legislation relevant to the great outdoors, and avoids the minefield of US gun rights, which are fairly irrelevant to the UK in general and bushcraft in particular? :)
 

Martyn

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Aug 7, 2003
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pierre girard said:
Malcolm goes on to deal with the effects of Englands anit-gun legislation:
****************

Never introduced into a law-abiding, responsible gun culture of adults, Britain’s modern youth are creating their own “gun culture”, a sort of non-fiction version of Lord of the Flies. Children in gangs, some as young as nine, roam the streets uncontrolled, victimizing the aged and the infirm.[37] Today, one third of all British criminals under the age of 25 admit to owning or having access to a firearm.[38]
That is the biggest load of hogwash I've ever read.

Apart from this...

Today, Great Britain is generally a more dangerous place than the United States.[40]

...which nearly had me falling of my chair with laughter. :lmao:

Trouble with all of this is - England feels her gun controls are a model which should be followed world wide - and does her best to export it to the world. It is a system which does not accomplish its stated objective and, in fact, the outcome is the exact opposite of the stated purpose.

There is much more of interest (to me, at least), but I will bore you no further.

Why would England want to export it to the rest of the world? We couldn't care less. We have lots and lots of nuclear missiles to defend our borders, other countries domestic arguments are meaningless to us. If people use the English model to prove a point in your country, then it's likely that it's Americans importing it, not the English exporting it. I work in an Intensive Care Unit that covers a large city, in the last 7 years I have seen 2 gunshot wounds. More people die from being struck by lightening in Britain, than they do from being shot. This isn't rhetoric, or hyperbole, just a realy good example of a country where the people dont shoot each other, whatever the reason for it.

I'm sorry if our restrictive gun laws and clear absence of gun crime creates a problem for the NRA in America, but there you have it.

Finally, this thread is about knife law, not gun law. Will people please stop dragging their gun rants into the equation at every blimmin opportunity. :cussing:
 

bogflogger

Nomad
Nov 22, 2005
355
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65
london
Pierre, Thats a Really Interesting post!

I have just read it again, substituting the word "Knife" wherever the word "Firearm" is used, and unfortunately, doing this gives an Accurate picture of what is going on in the UK.

Here, there is a perception by "Our Elected Leaders" that knives are the same as Firearms (IE: "Weapons" with no other possible uses) and that knife crime is "Out of Control" in spite of the Goverments Own (Home Office) Statistics showing that, in fact, there has been NO increase in knife crime whatsoever.

Add to this, a "Media Frenzy" of Lies and Deception, plus Inaccurate Statements from Cheif Constables and Senior Goverment Figures in the Media, about what the Law IS in regard to carrying a knife (for any reason) and you end up here, with peaceful, Law Abiding Citizens, with Legitamate and Legal reasons for carrying/using knives being confused by this Disinfomation Campaign.

I have always said that this "two tier message" is a Bad Idea!

There has been NO change in the Law, yet there are continual statements being made, by people who should (and do) know better, that: "Carrying a knife is Illegal."

I understand why this message is being given (There IS an Appaling amount of knife related crime, committed mostly by young people) but this should not be adressed in the way it is being.

The Answer to this issue, is really outside the scope of BCUK rules, so I will stop here on the subject.


Thankfully, most Police Officers who are "on the ground" know what is going on here, and are (quite rightly) able to make "value judgments" and use their own Discretion, when they find someone is carrying a knife.
 

Martyn

Bushcrafter through and through
Aug 7, 2003
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chewie said:
Might I respectfully request that this topic stays as an information source about UK points and blades legislation relevant to the great outdoors, and avoids the minefield of US gun rights, which are fairly irrelevant to the UK in general and bushcraft in particular? :)

Absolutely.
 
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